Showing posts with label christianity. Show all posts
Showing posts with label christianity. Show all posts

Sunday, July 14, 2013

Black smoke reveals no new pope yet from first papal conclave vote


Papal conclave in Rome fails to elect new leader as police raid dents chances of frontrunner Cardinal Angelo Scola



Roman Catholic cardinals will continue to search on Wednesday for a new spiritual leader for the world's 1.2 billion baptised Catholics after black smoke poured from the chimney above the Sistine Chapel tonight, signalling they had failed to elect a new pope on the first ballot.



Shortly after 5.30pm in Rome, the papal master of ceremonies, Guido Marini, drew shut the doors of the Sistine Chapel, locking inside the "princes of the church" who are to elect a pope great enough to lead his church out of the maze of scandal and controversy into which it stumbled during the strife-torn reign of former Pope Benedict XVI, who resigned last month.



After listening to a homily by one of their number, the Maltese Augustinian, Prosper Grech, the cardinals held at least one ballot. But black smoke issuing from the chimney above the chapel two hours later showed that none of the cardinals had obtained the necessary two-thirds majority.



The cardinals now return to the Vatican's Santa Marta hotel for the night. They return to the Apostolic Palace for Mass on Wednesday morning and a new round of voting.



The 115 men who took part in the ballot had earlier filed into the chapel in two long columns as they chanted Ora pro nobis (Pray for us) in response to the names of the litany of saints and prophets. Dressed mostly in vivid scarlet, the cardinals advanced down the chapel towards Michelangelo's intimidating depiction of the Last Judgement where they bowed their heads before the altar and took their places in the stalls on either side.



The judgment the cardinals themselves will have to make in their assembly, or conclave, is among the most difficult in recent times. Benedict's abdication has robbed them of the chance that most of their predecessors had to swap opinions on a likely successor as the pope of the day advanced in age and infirmity.



According to a report in the Italian daily Corriere della Sera, one of the two frontrunners, Cardinal Angelo Scola, the archbishop of Milan, had secured the backing of up to 50 electors. But in the run-up to the conclave, several cardinals warned that an early result was unlikely because of the lack of a clear favourite.



The traditional wisdom has it that he who starts the election as the likely pope emerges a cardinal. But Scola is also handicapped by his close association with the controversial Communion and Liberation movement, and just hours before the start of the ballot there was a reminder of the scandals in which it has been entangled.



Anti-mafia investigators carried out dawn raids in Scola's diocese in an investigation into corruption linked to hospital supplies. Healthcare in Lombardy is the principal responsibility of the regional administration, which for the past 18 years has been run by Roberto Formigoni, a childhood friend of Cardinal Scola and the leading political representative of the Communion and Liberation fellowship.



Among those arrested was a local politician said to have organised expensive holidays for Formigoni that are central to an investigation into the former governor's affairs. Formigoni, who has been accused of, but not charged with, conspiracy and corruption, denies all wrongdoing.



Until recently, Scola was seen as the conservative group's most distinguished ecclesiastical spokesman but he has progressively loosened his ties to Communion and Liberation, and in early 2012 publicly rebuked the movement's leadership.



According to sources close to the cardinals' preliminary deliberations, Scola was the champion of a largely non-Italian faction that is challenging the entrenched power of the Vatican cardinals. His chief rival as the voting began was said to be the archbishop of Sao Paolo, Odilo Scherer.



The management of the Roman Curia, the central administration of the church, appeared to be foremost among the issues dividing the electors. Reports in the Italian media indicated that the final meeting of the cardinals before the Conclave witnessed a clash between the Vatican's top official, Secretary of State Tarcisio Bertone, and a Brazilian cardinal, Jo o Cardinal Br z de Aviz.


Monday, July 1, 2013

Cardinal Keith O'Brien resigns amid claims of inappropriate behaviour


Pope accepts resignation of UK's most senior Roman Catholic cleric, who has been accused of 'inappropriate acts'



Cardinal Keith O'Brien, the UK's most senior Roman Catholic cleric, has resigned as the head of the Scottish Catholic church after being accused of "inappropriate acts" towards fellow priests.



News that Pope Benedict had accepted the cardinal's resignation as archbishop of St Andrews and Edinburgh came after the Observer disclosed a series of allegations by three priests and one former priest.



O'Brien has denied the allegations and had been expected to continue in his post as archbishop until mid-March, when he was due to retire at age 75.



However, in a statement released by the church on Monday, it emerged that the pope had accepted O'Brien's resignation a week ago, on 18 February.



In the statement, O'Brien apologised to any people he had let down and said he did not want the controversy to overshadow the election of the new pope.



"I have valued the opportunity of serving the people of Scotland and overseas in various ways since becoming a priest," he said. "Looking back over my years of ministry, for any good I have been able to do, I thank God. For any failures, I apologise to all whom I have offended."



His resignation means the cardinal will not now take part in the election of a successor to Pope Benedict. This will leave Britain unrepresented in the process, as O'Brien was the only cardinal in the British Catholic churches with a vote in the conclave.



Although Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O'Connor, the archbishop emeritus of Westminster and former leader of Catholics in England and Wales, will attend pre-conclave meetings, he will not have a vote in the election itself as cardinals aged 80 and over are ineligible to vote. He is 80.



O'Brien, who missed celebrating mass at St Mary's Cathedral in Edinburgh on Sunday, had been due to fly out to the Vatican on Tuesday for the conclave.



His resignation is a heavy blow to the church and Benedict, whose papacy has been beset by repeated controversies over misconduct by clergy in Europe and the US and allegations of corruption and incompetence at the Vatican.



However, with the Vatican and Benedict's successor facing a series of serious challenges to its reputation, O'Brien's speedy retirement will allow the church to move quickly to settle this controversy.



The Observer reported that the four men came forward last week to demand his resignation largely because the complainants did not want O'Brien taking part in the papal election.



O'Brien said he had already agreed with Benedict that he would step down on 17 March as he was "approaching the age of seventy-five and at times in indifferent health". The pope had now agreed he could resign immediately, he said, forcing the church to find an "apostolic administrator" to run the diocese until a new archbishop could be appointed.



Confirming he would not now go to the conclave, O'Brien said: "I thank Pope Benedict XVI for his kindness and courtesy to me and on my own behalf and on behalf of the people of Scotland, I wish him a long and happy retirement.



"I also ask God's blessing on my brother cardinals who will soon gather in Rome to elect his successor. I will not join them for this conclave in person. I do not wish media attention in Rome to be focused on me, but rather on Pope Benedict XVI and on his successor. However, I will pray with them and for them that, enlightened by the Holy Spirit, they will make the correct choice for the future good of the church.



"May God, who has blessed me so often in my ministry, continue to bless and help me in the years which remain for me on Earth and may he shower his blessings on all the peoples of Scotland especially those I was privileged to serve in a special way in the archdiocese of St Andrews and Edinburgh."



Scotland's first minister, Alex Salmond, said he had learned of the cardinal's decision with "the greatest sadness".



He said: "In all of my dealings with the cardinal, he has been a considerate and thoughtful leader of the Catholic church in Scotland, stalwart in his faith but constructive in his approach.



"The hugely successful visit of Pope Benedict in 2010 was a highlight of his cardinalship and symbolised the key role of the Catholic church in Scottish society."



Salmond said it would be a "great pity if a lifetime of positive work was lost from comment in the circumstances of his resignation". He added: "None of us know the outcome of the investigation into the claims made against him but I have found him to be a good man for his church and country."



Austen Ivereigh, a Catholic writer and co-ordinator of Catholic Voices, said he was not surprised that the church had moved so quickly following the emergence of the allegations.



"I think the speed of the announcement has everything to do with the fact that these accusations were made on the eve of the papal election," he said. "It was important not to distract from the pope and the election process, and I think frankly it was a necessary act and [O'Brien] did it for the good of the church."



Ivereigh said the rapid response showed both the church's "renewed transparency and accountability" and its desire for the election of Benedict's successor to proceed as uncontroversially as possible.



He described O'Brien as a "very affable, warm and hospitable" man who was always unafraid to speak his mind. "He's never been considered one of the high-flying cardinals; he doesn't know Rome that well or have fluent Italian and so he's never been a cardinal who has been as significant in the Vatican as Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O'Connor," said Ivereigh.



"But he's been a very stalwart defender of the Scottish church's stances on various issues and he has been valued for his forthrightness and directness - even though I think sometimes some of his pronouncements have not been judiciously phrased."



Ivereigh also pointed out that although O'Brien's decision not to attend the conclave left British Catholics without a vote in the election of the next pope, it did not leave them without a voice.



"It's important to remember that it's not just the conclave where cardinals bring their influence to bear," he said. "In many ways the more important time over the next few weeks will be the general congregations when the cardinals meet together before the conclave to discuss the state of the world and the state of the church - and Cardinal Murphy-O'Connor will be present at those because the over-80 cardinals are part of those discussions; they're just not allowed to vote.



"I think the perspectives of the British church will still make themselves felt within the college because of Cardinal Murphy-O'Connor's presence and influence."



O'Brien has been an outspoken critic of gay rights, denouncing plans for the legalisation of same-sex marriage as "harmful to the physical, mental and spiritual wellbeing of those involved". He was named bigot of the year in 2012 by the gay rights group Stonewall because of his central role in opposing gay marriage laws in Scotland.



Colin Macfarlane, the director of Stonewall Scotland, called for a full inquiry into the claims against the former cardinal. "We trust that there will now be a full investigation into the serious allegations made against ex-cardinal O'Brien," Macfarlane said. "We hope that his successor will show a little more Christian charity towards openly gay people than the former cardinal did himself."


Monday, February 18, 2013

Inside the war for Syria's mountains


Rebels are occupying Alawite houses in a region known for its tradition of sectarian coexistence in an offensive that looks likely to determine the fate of the country's cosmopolitan heart



The stone houses were half hidden amid the orchards, their doors kicked in and their walls scorched by flames. Every home in this tiny Alawite hamlet, amid the apple and plum trees, had been ransacked and abandoned.



"There were three families here until yesterday," said a young woman, a Sunni Muslim, pointing to her neighbours' homes. "Now there's no one left, not one."



The village sloped towards a river that had broken its banks a week before. Plastic bags and bottles hung in the trees, marking the line of the flood that coursed between the soaring cliffs of the nearby valley and then surged onwards, across the fields to Turkey.



The water reached so far, and so high, that it inundated the orchards. Mud still covered the road, exposing the footprints of the raiders who followed the flood. They were a far more formidable force even than the raging waters.



Scraped in charcoal on the wall of one house were three words in Arabic: Jabhat al-Nusra.



Until two months ago, locals in this corner of north-western Syria had not had to contend with the Jabhat al-Nusra organisation. Like much else about the war now crippling the nearby cities of Idlib and Aleppo, it was out of sight and out of mind, a distant bogeyman that posed little threat to this border town.



Then came a campaign by rebel units pushing south towards cities still controlled by the regime after almost two years of civil war. "That's when we first saw them," a rebel, Mahmoud Darwiche, said of Jabhat al-Nusra, which insurgent leaders simply call al-Qaida.



"They were good at first, quiet and respectful. Even now, they are still trying to behave. But they will kill any Alawite fighter they capture."



Until December, the town of Darkoush was roughly divided: the north supported the opposition while the south supported the regime; the frontline was marked by a line of ransacked security buildings.



Now, it is a staging point for a coming battle in the mountains to the south, a battle that will decide the fate of Syria's cosmopolitan heart.



Rebel leaders are preparing what they say will be imminent attacks on regime cities. Jabhat al-Nusra is also making plans, with new arrivals to the group turning up on most days over the past few weeks. Some are taking over empty Alawite homes near Darkoush; others are pushing south to frontlines near Latakia.



Al-Nusra fighters like to see themselves as being everywhere but nowhere. They play willingly to the regime characterisation of them as phantom-like figures who can outmanoeuvre the Syrian military. And they are now more evident than at any time in this war.



The al-Nusra member the Guardian met had not been expecting strangers. His head swathed in a black turban, and with a Kalashnikov strapped to his chest, he walked slowly down a potholed road towards us before stopping warily several metres away. He scanned us purposefully from head to toe, inhaled deeply, then said: "What's going on?"



The American-accented English was as much a surprise as finding him there in the first place, living in a house next door to the main rebel outpost in the region, along with 20 or so other members of the group at the vanguard of the fighting.



His opening remark was less an icebreaker, however, than the beginning of an interrogation. For 40 minutes, sometimes chilling, sometimes charming, he tried to gauge our provenance and our reason for journeying south into Jebel al-Krud, the giant plateau that soars above Latakia and Tartous to the south.



The region is steeped in Islamic history, and has a tradition of sectarian coexistence. About 800 years ago, the Islamic warrior Salah al-Din - a Kurd better known to Europeans as Saladin - used the mountains and valleys of the area to prepare to battle the Crusaders. Kurds travelled with him from what is now northern Iraq, and settled here. Christian and Alawite communities are also long established.



Our interrogator eventually offered tea. "You do not share my ideology," he said. "But you are here on humanitarian grounds." The concession amounted to a travel pass. "Where is your flak jacket? We have an obligation before God to do what we can to protect ourselves," he said, pointing at the camouflage vest covering his shirt. "So should you."



Sheer cliffs climbed vertically from the first stretch of the road south, soon giving way to plunging, emerald ravines still flush with blue floodwaters. Villages peppered the hilltops, grey blobs against an iridescent green whenever they emerged from the fog.



Around one bend, white crosses jutted starkly from the graves on a hilltop. This was the Christian village of Jdeida, on the edge of Idlib province and Jebel al-Krud. Barely a home here had escaped shell damage since it was taken by rebel groups six weeks earlier. And next to none of the locals had remained.



One family had stayed behind. "We don't have an option," the elderly Christian man said. "The situation is as you see it. This is the first time there hasn't been shelling here in more than a week. We haven't seen the sun or sat in our garden in all that time."



The man's wife picked an orange from the tree at the centre of the courtyard and offered it on a silver tray.



His 90-year-old mother sat on a stone wall, her left eye red with a chronic infection, her right streaming with tears. "We can't go anywhere to get medicine," she said between sobs. "We are not with anyone, my son. We are too old for this. Please let it end."



Neither side seems to have any will to bring the war for the mountains to a close. Further up the hill, the town's church stood empty and barricaded, part of a wall hit by a shell. And from the bell tower, rebels pointed out the next target in their seemingly relentless sweep to the east and south, the town of Yaccubiya.



"We have a very big problem with this town," said the leader of the military council in Idlib province. "These Christians are our friends. We have lived with them for a long time, and we respect them. But the regime has put weapons in the cathedral there. We don't want to attack it but we know we must."



Purple-grey smoke from at least a dozen cigarettes and a wood-burning stove swirled around the room. The 10 or so men sitting cross-legged on the floor seemed to crouch ever lower as the haze descended before one finally opened a window, letting in a shock of frigid air.



"We have asked the Christian authorities," the rebel leader said as the smoke cleared. "We have even asked the priests in the north what to do. One gave us his permission to attack the town; another said not to. We want some guidance. Will the west talk to us about this?"



On Sunday, rebel reservations about Yaccubiya were set aside. The Free Syrian Army, which acts as an umbrella group for all the rebel groups except al-Nusra, announced the town had fallen. "There are only two old ladies left in the town," said a rebel leader, Abu Ghaith. "And, praise be to God, the church was not damaged. They ran away."



Evidence of the regime forces' flight from the villages of Jebel al-Krud is everywhere. Along a highway near another Christian village, al-Ghassaneyah, scores of makeshift graves have been dug for Syrian army soldiers killed in battles for nearby areas.



Several dozen destroyed armoured personnel carriers, lorries and tanks dot the roadside. Torched and rusting formations of armour mark overrun checkpoints that not long ago were part of Latakia's ring of defence. Battleground Christian and Alawite villages are largely abandoned. Al-Nusra had not looted the homes of Christian families who had fled, said Abu Ghaith. "They are being careful about them," he said. "But they do whatever they want with the Alawites."



Resentment of the minority Alawite sect, to which Bashar al-Assad belongs and from which he draws his power, is close to universal among rebels in the area. However, while non-jihadists dislike the Alawites because of their links to the regime, al-Nusra's distaste centres on their beliefs.



"They see them as Shia, as heretics," said a rebel fighter who called himself Abu Hamza, standing near a roadside butcher. "I am from here, and I have never got to know them. They have always kept to themselves. They are very insular."



Hamza wore his beard in the style of a Salafist Muslim, black and low and without a moustache. "People often think I'm al-Qaida," he laughed. He then reached into the left breast pocket of his ammunition vest and pulled out a Bible. "It's for you," he said. "I have a Qur'an in my right pocket, and I want to get a Torah for here," he said, pointing at an empty pocket on his hip.



"This area was built on the religions of the book, and it will stay that way, God willing."



Over a ridge ahead, tank shells rumbled in a rebel-held village on the edge of Jebel al-Krud and Latakia. Another two families, their battered cars laden with overflowing bags of belongings, moved slowly north along the deserted highway.



Night was drawing near when a driver stopped in the gathering dark to ask about the way ahead. A cross swung from his rear-view mirror. "Don't be afraid, my brother," a bearded rebel said. "God is with you, just as he is with us."



The rebel looked at his feet and said: "When the people come back, after we win, it will be like it was before. They will buy meat for us, and we will visit them for Christmas.



"But we can't let things get worse than they are here, because people who have known each other for ever may lose their trust. This was the Syria of our dreams."